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Deals and Shenanigans. Ring Smart Home Security Systems. PillPack Pharmacy Simplified. However, this actually made him more of a target, for it was feared that upon his accession to the throne, he might allow the minorities in the Dual Monarchy more of a say in their own affairs. The would-be assassins were trained in the use of weapons in Belgrade and equipped with weapons from the Serbian state arsenal in Kragujevac. The youngest of their group was just seventeen.
However, the first attempt to kill the Archduke failed. It exploded underneath the car behind, injuring a few of the onlookers and passengers in that car, among them Erik von Merizzi , the adjutant of the Austro-Hungarian military governor of the province, Oskar Potiorek The Archduke was unhurt; his wife suffered a small wound on the cheek. The couple were hurriedly taken to the Town Hall.
However, Franz Ferdinand insisted on visiting Merizzi in the hospital before continuing the official programme. Only the visit to the National Museum would be cancelled. As a compromise, it was agreed that the convoy should follow a different route and not, as planned, travel down Franz-Joseph-Strasse. However, tragically, this change of plan appears not to have been communicated to the driver in the first car, who turned into the street as previously planned. A few metres away from his target he managed to shoot the Archduke in the neck and his wife in the abdomen.
Sophie died in the car, and Franz Ferdinand shortly after reaching the Governor's residence. The hapless young assassins could not have known to what extent they had made history that day. Princip succeeded in murdering the royal couple, but failed to kill himself and was arrested before the outraged crowd could lynch him. In the aftermath of the assassination, all they could do was to wait for the official reaction to this murder in Vienna. However, in Vienna the response was more varied. The official reaction to the assassination was indignant outrage, but this outward appearance was in stark contrast to the privately held thoughts of some.
Franz Ferdinand had not been universally popular — the Germans within the Dual Monarchy had considered him to be too Slavophile, the Slavs too German, and the Hungarians too Austrian. In order to explain the escalation of the crisis into full-scale war, this article first looks at Vienna and its ally Berlin. It was in Vienna that war that is to say a war between Austria-Hungary and Serbia was first consciously risked and planned in response to the assassination.
France, Russia, Britain and Italy only participated decisively much later in July , when most decisions had already been taken and an ultimatum been given to Belgrade with the intention to begin a war. Of course, they did expect a reaction to the assassination and had got word of a planned action against Serbia, so that the ultimatum was not a complete surprise to them when it was finally delivered.
Just one day after the assassination Conrad had a confidential meeting with Foreign Minister Count Leopold von Berchtold in which the Chief of Staff immediately demanded a war against Serbia in response to the crime. An early opportunity for this was a meeting with the German Ambassador in Vienna, Heinrich von Tschirschky He, however, did not seem to favour a war. This report, when received in Berlin on 2 July, was greeted by Kaiser Wilhelm II with a characteristically irate outburst.
That is very stupid. He was genuinely struck by the loss of his friend, and the idea of a regicide was particularly abhorrent to him. The assassination was a crime that had to be avenged.
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From now on, the government in Vienna would only receive encouragement from its ally. However, early in the crisis Austria-Hungary could not be certain how Germany would act in the event of an Austrian-Serbian war. In Berlin, the possibility of a Balkan crisis was greeted favourably by military and political decision-makers, for it was felt that such a crisis would ensure that Austria would definitely be involved in a resulting conflict unlike during the earlier Moroccan crises , for example.
They were still confident that a war, should it break out, could be won by the Triple Alliance partners Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy , while in the long run, the Entente Powers Russia, France and Great Britain would be come invincible. The worry was in particular that Russia would increase its army and improve its railway infrastructure to such an extent that in the near future it would become impossible for Germany to fight a successful war against Russia. This occurred in an important meeting of the Joint Council of Ministers on 7 July.
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All participants were aware of the fact that any action against Serbia could not only lead to a war with that country, but had the potential of escalating into a war against Russia Russia saw itself as a protector of Slavic people and might not be prepared to look on as Serbia was crushed by Austria-Hungary.
Following long discussions the meeting agreed that a war with Serbia needed to be provoked with an ultimatum, so that, at least outwardly, Vienna appeared to be acting reasonably and moderately, rather than simply declaring war on Serbia immediately. The delay was necessary for a number of reasons.
This was the time of the annual harvest leave of soldiers. Not only would it have looked suspicious if these had all been recalled to their barracks, but also the harvest could not be jeopardised. And furthermore, an additional problem was posed by a planned state visit of the French President and other members of the French government to Russia.
Between 21 and 23 July the two allies would be able to discuss their joint response to any Austrian provocation of Serbia. He would not step on French soil until 29 July, leaving the French government essentially without effective leadership. As Berchtold informed Kaiser Franz Joseph:. The text of the ultimatum was decided in a further ministerial council meeting on 14 July, as well as details about its delivery. It was to be deliberately unacceptable in character, and only forty-eight hours would be given to Belgrade to respond. While most decision-makers in Vienna and Berlin did not actually want a European war, the available evidence shows that they were certainly willing to risk it.
Neither France nor Britain felt they could abandon Russia for fear of what would happen if she emerged victorious from the war. The Italian alliance partner was also deliberately kept in the dark, save for some indiscretions of the German Ambassador Ludwig von Flotow Despite such deliberate deception, Russian, French and British leaders expected a reaction by Vienna and used this time to co-ordinate their stance e. Petersburg — though when details of it finally emerged, the harsh nature of the ultimatum surprised everyone. It is due to this deception that the other major powers did not play a decisive role in the July Crisis until 23 July, the day when the ultimatum was finally presented in Belgrade.
While increasingly suspicious of the intentions of the Austrian government and aware that some action was being planned, the governments of the other European powers expected that Austria-Hungary would seek redress of some kind, but they were largely unaware of the extent of the secret plotting in Vienna and Berlin.
The harsh nature of the ultimatum confirmed to the decision-makers in St. Petersburg, Paris and London that they needed to work together to prevent a war from breaking out, or if that proved impossible, to be in the best possible position to wage it. For St. Petersburg and Paris, this meant co-ordinating their response with each other, as well as trying to ensure that London would declare its support for the Entente in case of war. Hopes that an amicable solution might be found were dashed at 6 p. Petersburg at the time the Austrian demands were handed over.
It is, however, doubtful that even the fullest acceptance of the Austrian terms would have secured a different outcome for Belgrade. In Britain, Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey took heart from the Serbian reply and suggested repeatedly that the issue could be resolved at the conference table, but his mediation proposals were only given half-hearted support by Berlin and not taken up by Vienna. Both sides hoped their hand would be strengthened with a clear declaration from London as to whose side it might be on. It is important to bear in mind that from the delivery of the ultimatum onwards, this was no longer a crisis dominated by the decision of the Dual Alliance partners.
Whereas until this point the Entente partners conferred with one another in the face of rumours and small amounts of intelligence gleaned from spies and careless diplomats, now France, Russia and Great Britain had to react and make decisions which would affect the outcome of events. One such action was taken by the UK. It passed the Cinematographic Films Act of , which came into effect in The law stipulated that 15 per cent of films shown in Britain had to be of British or Commonwealth origin. He produced two films —34 through his Commonwealth Productions and another 12 films in three years —37 through his second company, Central Films.
All of the films, only some of which were set in Canada, were essentially generic Hollywood B-movies.
Bishop had all the post-production and editing done in Hollywood so that his financiers, Columbia Pictures, could approve the final product. When the quota law was renewed by the British government in , it was amended to remove the inclusion of Commonwealth films, mainly due to the manner in which Canada had allowed the law to be subverted. Though technically not a Canadian production, it is a key example of what was to become a characteristic Canadian genre: documentary dramas and films blending fiction and nonfiction, often rich in a sense of place, which explore the relationship between people and their environment.
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This approach emerged early in Canadian film and distinguished many later Canadian features. In the s, however, this docudrama approach was scarcely evident. The commercial industry had died, the Ontario Motion Picture Bureau had been closed down by the provincial Liberals, and the studio at Trenton was closed. Even the Government Motion Picture Bureau had lapsed into sterility. Though ASN's mainstay was newsreels and sponsored films, it did produce two widely released short-film series: Kinograms in the s; and the Canadian Cameo series from to Supervised and usually directed by Gordon Sparling , these films showed flair and imagination, and were almost the only film representation of Canada either at home or abroad.
The NFB was originally designed as an advisory board to coordinate the production of films, but the demands of the Second World War led to a shift towards active production, which involved absorbing the Government Motion Picture Bureau in By , the NFB had grown into one of the world's largest film studios with a staff of nearly people based in Ottawa. More than films had been released — including the propaganda series Canada Carries On —59 and The World in Action —45 , which were shown monthly in Canadian and foreign theatres — an animation unit had been set up under the supervision of Scottish-born animator Norman McLaren , non-theatrical distribution circuits were established and many young Canadian filmmakers were being trained.
The NFB became a leading producer of world-class documentaries , animation and experimental films , and its productions have won more than 5, international awards, including a dozen Academy Awards. But its creation did little to solve the problem posed by the dominance of foreign films. Nathanson, the founder of Famous Players, left the company to form the rival Odeon chain with his son, Paul.
The two chains controlled roughly two-thirds of the theatrical market. Odeon was later sold to the Rank Organization of England, Britain's largest vertically-integrated film company, making both major exhibition chains foreign-owned. As a result, in , the federal government restricted imports on a large number of goods.
Money made on films was discussed, and there was talk that some kind of quota system could be conceived to force Hollywood to invest part of its box-office profits in Canada. Coldwell proposed in the House of Commons that the federal government impose a protective tariff on Hollywood films exhibited in Canada. The Hollywood film lobby agreed to shoot some of their films on location in Canada, include favourable references to Canada in Hollywood movies in order to promote tourism, and encourage the distribution and exhibition of NFB films in the US, all in exchange for the uninterrupted flow of dollars out of Canada.
The nationalistic lobbying on behalf of Canadians was successfully defeated. Famous Players' profits were not restricted, the idea of an exhibition quota for Canadian-produced films was dropped and a multi-million-dollar film studio under development in Vancouver was shuttered. American tourism into Canada actually decreased during the first four years of the project and only increased by 15 per cent from to , compared to a per cent increase from all other countries.
By , the balance of payments problem was no longer an issue and the protective tariff no longer a threat. The project was quietly terminated in After St-Laurent retired from politics, he became a member on the board of directors of Famous Players Canadian Corporation. However, thanks to the economic boom in Canada following the Second World War, a number of small, independent producers began to establish themselves, making primarily industrial films and shorts.
In , Nat Taylor founded the trade magazine Canadian Film Weekly , and in recognition of the nascent private film sector, the Canadian Film Awards were established in In a gesture to the industry in , a 50 per cent capital cost allowance CCA was introduced by the federal government to encourage private investment in Canadian film companies. About a half-dozen English feature films were made in the late s. A young CBC writer, Sidney Furie , directed two low-budget films of considerable promise that dealt with young people rebelling against society.
Furie was typical of the emigration of English-speaking filmmaking talent from Canada at this time, an impressive list that includes directors Norman Jewison , Arthur Hiller and Ted Kotcheff — all of whom left to pursue their careers in England or Hollywood. Although, the development of feature filmmaking in Canada was still sputtering, pioneering work was being done at the NFB.
In the realm of features, the s started in much the same way as the previous decade had ended, with middling productions occasionally appearing, one of which — The Mask ; a. However, times were about to change and a new optimism was apparent.
Ottawa filmmaker and producer F. However, it was never released theatrically in Canada. The NFB, although primarily focused on documentary films, short subjects and animation, produced two English-language features in the early s that were a harbinger of things to come. Drylanders turned to history for its subject matter and Nobody Waved Goodbye , directed by Don Owen , explored the ennui of two suburban teenagers.
Shot in the suburbs and streets of downtown Toronto, the film was financed by the NFB as a short docudrama but was clandestinely expanded into an improvised feature. Panned by Canadian critics upon its initial release, it gained new life when it became a critical darling at the New York Film Festival. Production throughout Canada also began to flourish in other ways.
A number of low-budget features were produced across the country, mainly on university campuses. The Bitter Ash , the first film made by Larry Kent while he was studying theatre at the University of British Columbia , created the most controversy. The sex scenes in the film turned it into an overnight sensation. An important figure during this period was David Cronenberg , who made two experimental, futuristic short films — Transfer and From the Drain — as a student at the University of Toronto in the late s and helped found the Canadian Filmmakers Distribution Centre before turning his talents to commercial production.
However, the CFDC only concerned itself with production, and did not attempt to break the stranglehold American interests had over Canadian commercial distribution or exhibition. At first, the CFDC gave money to some of the student filmmakers. Many of the subsequent films were artistic and commercial failures. A few attempts to imitate American models of filmmaking were supported, but with a similar lack of success.
However, three films indicated more successful future directions. These films were unmistakably Canadian, using regional landscapes and characters with sensitivity. All of these films were made on modest budgets and only a few enjoyed modest commercial success. The CFDC was pressured to raise the visibility of the material it was funding, either by legislating the marketplace in order to guarantee the distribution and exhibition of Canadian films, or by employing foreign talent in conjunction with Canadians.
The Ontario Ministry of Industry and Tourism appointed producer and broadcasting executive John Bassett to head a task force to study the Canadian film industry. The optimum method of accomplishing this is to establish a quota system for theatres. In , a group calling itself the Council of Canadian Filmmakers petitioned the Ontario government, urging it to follow the recommendation of the Bassett Report. Compliance with the quota was lukewarm at best, and within two years any semblance of it had evaporated. Although the federal government proved reluctant to exert control over the distribution and exhibition of films in Canada, it did act decisively to provide financial incentives for investment in domestic film production through tax benefits.
In , it increased the Capital Cost Allowance CCA from 60 to per cent, creating a tax shelter that allowed investors to deduct from their taxable income per cent of their investment in Canadian feature films. A new aggressiveness took hold within the industry as priorities shifted from the low-budget, cultural film to higher-budget, commercial projects. Ironically, the beginning of this period was marked by the success of two films of high quality with solid cultural pedigrees. But these films proved to be the exception during this period and not the rule.
Most of the international co-productions and trite commercial vehicles that littered the second half of the s — such as City on Fire with Henry Fonda and Ava Gardner, Running with Michael Douglas, and Nothing Personal with Donald Sutherland and Suzanne Somers — provided one box office and artistic embarrassment after another. Some benefits did emerge from the tax shelter era.
here David Cronenberg credited his tax-shelter films — Shivers , Rabid , Fast Company , The Brood and Scanners — with launching his career, though he also recognized the overall scheme as a failure. A number of tax-shelter films did very well at the box office: the queer cinema classic Outrageous! However, many of the films did not receive distribution, and many that did were practically indistinguishable from poorly made American films. In , the CCA was reduced to 50 percent and the era came to a close. Film directors who in the s helped put Canada on the world map — such as Claude Jutra, Gilles Carle, Michel Brault, Denys Arcand — were unable to get financing to make any French-language films.
Bill was a bombshell with regards to distribution. The bill was unanimously adopted in June , but the ratification process was protested and delayed at every opportunity by the Motion Picture Association of America MPAA and its president, Jack Valenti. A similar situation transpired at the federal level a year later.
In , the federal government under Brian Mulroney attempted to address the long-standing problems faced by Canadian distribution companies. Minister of Communications Flora MacDonald introduced the Film Products Importation Bill, which, if passed into law, would have allowed the Hollywood majors to distribute in Canada any films for which they owned world rights or in whose production they had participated, while giving Canadian companies the right to distribute all other movies.
When the Film Products Importation Act was tabled in May , the original proposals had been considerably weakened and, during the free trade negotiations that followed, the federal government agreed to abandon even those. In the early s, the film industry in Canada was on shaky ground, almost wholly dependent upon government financing and unable to secure screen time in Canadian theatres. Beginning in the early s, regional film cooperatives — such as the Toronto Filmmakers Co-op —79 , the Atlantic Filmmakers Cooperative in Halifax — and the Winnipeg Film Group — — began to train young filmmakers who remained committed to the concept of a cultural cinema.
From the early s to the late s, a generation of talented independent filmmakers began to emerge, further aided by the introduction in the mids of provincial funding agencies. The OFDC, which refuted the export product model of the tax shelter era in favour of supporting emerging writer-directors with distinctive personal visions, acted as a model for other provincial agencies that followed its lead. A newfound confidence led to a wealth of low-budget independent production from across the country. Now, production emerged from every region. Her features, following hard on the heels of The Grey Fox , did much to inject new energy into the domestic Vancouver filmmaking scene.
Patricia Gruben, an experimental filmmaker of considerable originality, found success with three idiosyncratic features: Low Visibility , Deep Sleep and Ley Lines Other prominent women filmmakers emerged with their own distinctive visions. Mina Shum 's delightful Double Happiness captured the dilemma of a young Chinese-Canadian woman, played by Sandra Oh , trying to escape the traditions of her rapacious family, while talented newcomer Lynne Stopkewich managed a highly successful adaptation of a Barbara Gowdy short story with her debut feature, Kissed , a dark romance that focusses on the love life of a young necrophiliac, played by Molly Parker.