But somewhat later another tendency to division appeared in the disposition of some Republicans, especially in the Northwest, to go faster and further, especially in economic legislation, than the moneyed men wished to follow. No open schism has so far resulted, but the antagonism of tendency is manifest. The Democratic party has suffered in the North and West from exactly the opposite causes to the Republican. It was long discredited by its sympathy with the South, and by the opposition of a considerable section within it the so-called Copperheads to the prosecution of the war.
From to it profited from being in opposition. Saved from the opportunity of abusing patronage, or becoming entangled in administration jobs, it was able to criticize freely the blunders or vices of its opponents. It may however be doubted whether its party managers were, take them all in all, either wiser or purer than those whom they criticized, nor do they seem to have inspired any deeper trust in the minds of impartial citizens.
When, Edition: current; Page: [ ] as has several times happened, the Democrats have obtained a majority in the House of Representatives, their legislation was not higher in aim or more judicious in the choice of means than that which Republican Congresses have produced. Hence the tendency to fall away from the Republican ranks of —96 enured to the benefit of the Democrats less than might have been expected. In the emergence of the free silver question as a burning issue produced a serious breach in the party, the consequences of which, though it was to outward appearance healed in the presidential nomination of did not for some time disappear.
The Democratic party includes not only nearly all the talent, education, and wealth of the South, together with the great bulk of the Southern farmers and poorer whites, but also a respectable minority of good men in the Middle states and the Northwest, and a slightly smaller minority in the rural parts of New England. In these last-mentioned districts its strength lies chiefly in the cities, a curious contrast to those earlier days when Jefferson was supported by the farmers and Hamilton by the townsfolk.
The adhesion of this mob gives the party a slight flavour of rowdyism, as its old associations used to give it, to a Puritan palate, a slight flavour of irreligion. Not so long ago, a New England deacon—the deacon is in America the type of solid respectability—would have found it as hard to vote for a Democratic candidate as an English archdeacon to vote for a Yorkshire Radical. But these old feelings are wearing away. A new generation of voters has arisen which never saw slavery, and which cares little about Jefferson for good or for evil.
This generation takes parties as it finds them. Even among the older voters there has been a sensible change within the recent years. Many of the best Republicans, who remembered the Democrats as the party of which a strong section sympathized with the slaveholders Edition: current; Page: [ ] before the war, and disapproved of the war while it was being waged, looked with horror on the advent to power of a Democratic president. The country, however, has not been ruined by Mr.
Cleveland, either then or in his second term, but went on much as before, its elements of good and evil mixed and contending, just as under Republican administrations. The alarm which the moneyed classes felt in had nothing to do with the old controversies, and the association with the Democratic party of the states where slavery prevailed no longer creates any real pejudice against it in Northern minds. Race differences have played a considerable part in the composition of the parties, but it is a diminishing part, because in the second and still more in the third generation a citizen is an American first and foremost and loses quickly the race consciousness which his father or grandfather had.
Though very numerous, they have hitherto counted for nothing politically, because English immigrants have either been indifferent to political struggles or have voted from the same motives as an average American. They have to some slight extent remained British subjects, not caring for the suffrage, and those who have adopted the United States as their country have seldom exerted their voting power as a united body. Far otherwise with the Irish. They retain their national spirit and disposition to act together into the second, rarely however into the third, generation; they are a factor potent in federal and still more potent in city politics.
Now the Irish have hitherto been nearly all Democrats. The exodus from Ireland, which had been considerable as far back as , swelled in the year after the famine to vast proportions; and was from the first a source of help to the Democratic party, probably because the latter was less Protestant in sentiment than the Whig party, and was already dominant in the city of New York, where the Irish first became a power in politics. Before the war ended the Irish vote had come to form a large part of the Democratic strength, and Irishmen were prominent among the politicians of that party: hence newcomers from Ireland have generally enlisted under its banner.
It is now, except in a few cities, far less of a solid vote, Irish immigration having much declined. The German immigration, excluding of course the early German settlements in Pennsylvania, began rather later than the Irish; and as there was some jealousy between the two races, the fact that the Irish were already Democrats when the Germans arrived, may be one reason why the latter have been more inclined to enrol themselves as Republicans, while another was to be found in the fact that German exiles of were naturally hostile to slavery.
The Germans usually become farmers in the Middle and Western states, where, finding the native farmers mainly Republicans, they imitated the politics of their neighbours. That there are many German Democrats in the great cities may be ascribed to the rather less friendly attitude of the Republicans to the liquor traffic, for the German colonist is faithful to the beer of his fatherland, and, in the case of the Roman Catholic Germans, to the tacit alliance which subsisted in many districts between the Catholic Church and the Democrats.
The Germans are a cohesive race, keeping up national sentiment by festivals, gymnastic societies, processions, and national songs, but as they take much less keenly to politics, and are not kept together by priests, their cohesion is more short-lived than that of the Irish. The American-born son of a German is already completely an American in feeling as well as in practical aptitude. The German vote over the whole Union may be roughly estimated as five-ninths Republican, four-ninths Democratic. The Scandinavians—Swedes and Norwegians, with a few Danes and a handful of Icelanders—now form a large element among the farmers of the Upper Mississippi states, particularly Wisconsin, Minnesota, and the Dakotas.
So far as can be judged from the short experience the country has of them, for their immigration did not begin to swell till after the middle of Edition: current; Page: [ ] the nineteenth century, they Americanize even more readily than their Teutonic cousins from the southern side of the Baltic. However, both Swedes and Norwegians are still so far clannish that in these states both parties find it worth while to run for office now and then a candidate of one or other, or candidates of both, of these nationalities, in order to catch the votes of his or their compatriots.
Like the Germans, they came knowing nothing of American politics, but the watchful energy of the native party workers enlisted them under a party banner as soon as they were admitted to civic rights. They make perhaps the best material for sober and industrious agriculturists that America receives, being even readier than the Germans to face hardship, and more content to dispense with alcoholic drinks.
The French Canadians are numerous in New England, and in one or two other Northern states, yet not numerous enough to tell upon politics, especially as they frequently remain British subjects. In the northern half of the country, the Negroes are not generally an important element, but their vote in New York, Ohio, and Indiana is large enough to be worth having whenever the state is doubtful.
Gratitude for the favour shown to their race has kept them mostly but not exclusively Republicans. In states like Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri, where there are plenty of white Republicans, they have voted steadily Republican, unless paid to abstain. In the further South, their mere numbers would have enabled them, were they equal to the whites in intelligence, wealth, and organization, not merely to carry congressional seats, but even in some states to determine a presidential election.
But in these three respects they are unspeakably inferior. Presently, however, the Democrats gained the upper hand; and most of the Negroes, losing faith in their former bosses, and discouraged by finding themselves unfit to cope with a superior race, either ceased to vote or found themselves prevented by the whites from doing so. Latterly the seven Southern states have so altered their constitutions as to exclude nine-tenths of the Negroes from the suffrage. Religion comes very little into American party except when, as sometimes has happened, the advance of the Roman Catholic church and the idea that she exerts her influence to secure benefits for herself, causes an outburst of Protestant feeling.
Presbyterians, Methodists, Baptists, Episcopalians, have no special party affinities. They are mostly Republicans in the North, Democrats in the South. The Mormons fight for their own hand, and in Utah, Idaho, and Arizona have been wont to cast their votes, under the direction of their hierarchy, for the local party which promised to interfere least with them. Lately in Idaho a party found it worth while to run a Mormon candidate. The distribution of parties is to some extent geographical. While the South casts a solid Democratic vote, and the strength of the Republicans lies in the Northeast and Northwest, the intermediate position of the Middle states corresponds to their divided political tendencies.
The reason is that in America colonization has gone on along parallels of latitude. The tendencies of New England reappear in northern Ohio, northern Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, giving the Republicans a predominance in this vast and swiftly growing Western population, which it takes the whole weight of the solid South to balance. This geographical opposition does not, however, betoken a danger of political severance. The material interests of the agriculturists of the Northwest are not different from those of the South: free trade, for instance, will make as much and no more difference to the wheat grower of Illinois as to the cotton grower of Texas, Edition: current; Page: [ ] to the ironworkers of Tennessee as to the ironworkers of Pennsylvania.
And the existence of an active Democratic party in the North prevents the victory of either geographical section from being felt as a defeat by the other. This is an important security against disruption. And a similar security against the risk of civil strife or revolution is to be found in the fact that the parties are not based on or sensibly affected by differences either of wealth or of social position. Their cleavage is not horizontal according to social strata, but vertical.
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This would be less true if it were stated either of the Northern states separately, or of the Southern states separately: it is true of the Union taken as a whole. It might cease to be true if the new socialist or labour parties were to grow till it absorbed or superseded either of the existing parties. The same feature has characterized English politics as compared with those of most European countries, and has been a main cause of the stability of the English government and of the good feeling between different classes in the community.
Besides the two great parties which have divided America for thirty years, there are two or three lesser organizations or factions needing a word of mention. About —30 there was a period when one of the two great parties having melted away, the other had become split up into minor sections. This was a phenomenon peculiar to that time, and ceased with the building up about of the Whig party, which lasted till shortly before the Civil War.
But De Tocqueville, who visited America in —32, took it for the normal state of a democratic community, and founded upon it some bold generalizations. A stranger who sees how few principles now exist to hold each of the two great modern parties together will be rather surprised that they have not shown more tendency to split up into minor groups and factions. What constitutes a party? In America there is a simple test.
Any section of men who nominate candidates of their own for the presidency and vice-presidency of the United States are deemed a national party. Adopting this test we shall find that there are now two or three national parties in addition to the Republicans and Democrats. The first minor party was that of the Greenbackers, who arose soon after the end of the Civil War. They demanded a large issue of greenbacks i.
It may seem incredible Edition: current; Page: [ ] that there should still be masses of civilized men who believe that money is value, and that a liberal issue of stamped paper can give the poor more bread or better clothes. If there were a large class of debtors, and the idea was to depreciate the currency and let them then pay their debts in it, one could understand the proposal.
Such a depreciation existed during and immediately after the Civil War. As wages and prices had risen enormously, people were receiving more money in wages, or for goods sold, than they had received previously, while they were paying fixed charges, such as interest on mortgage debts, in a depreciated paper currency. Thus the small farmers were on the whole gainers, while creditors and persons with fixed incomes were losers. It is true that both farmers and working men were also paying more for whatever they needed, food, clothes, and lodging; still they seemed to have felt more benefit in receiving larger sums than they felt hardship in paying out larger sums.
But the recollections of the war time with its abundant employment and high wages clung to many people, and were coupled with a confused notion that the more money there is in circulation so much the more of it will everybody have, and so much the better off will he be, so much the more employment will capital find for labour, and so much the more copious will be the fertilizing stream of wages diffused among the poor.
The Greenback party, which at first called itself Independent, held a national nominating convention in , at which nineteen states were represented, and nominated candidates for president and vice-president, issuing an emphatic but ungrammatical denunciation of the financial policy of the Republican and Democratic parties. They again put forward candidates in and , but made a poor show in the voting and presently melted away, some of those who had supported it presently going to recruit the Populist party.
The various Labour or Socialist parties are composed, not of agriculturists like the Greenbackers, but chiefly of working men in cities and mining districts, including many of the recent immigrants. But it must not be supposed that all the leaders, much less all the followers, adopt all these tenets; nor has it been always easy to say who are to be deemed its leaders. It shows a tendency to split up into factions. Its strength has lain in the trade unions of the operative class, and for a time in the enormous organization or league of trade unions that was known as the Knights of Labour; and it is therefore warmly interested in the administration of the various state laws which affect strikes and the practice of boycotting by which strikes often seek to prevail.
It has much support from the recent immigrants who fill the great cities, especially the socialistically inclined sections of the Germans, Jews, Pole, Czechs, and other Austro-Hungarian Slavs. The Labour party did not run a presidential candidate till , and was then divided, so that its strength could not be well estimated. But it has been wont to put forward candidates in state and city elections when it saw a chance.
It ran Mr. Henry George for mayor of New York City in , and obtained the unexpected success of polling 67, votes against 90, given to the regular Democratic, and 60, to the regular Republican candidate; 4 but this success was not sustained in the contest for the governorship of the state of New York in , when a vote of only 37, Edition: current; Page: [ ] was cast by the Labour party in the city. In one section, calling itself the Socialist Labour Party, ran a presidential candidate, but obtained only 21, votes, 17, of which came from New York, the rest from Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Massachusetts, and Connecticut.
In the party which has since called itself Socialist was founded. Both these parties sometimes put forward candidates in state or city elections. The Socialists are a somewhat incalculable force in state and city politics, seldom strong enough to carry their own candidates, but sometimes able to defeat one of the regular parties by drawing away a part of its voters, or to extort a share of the offices for some of their nominees.
It is only in some states, chiefly Northern states, that candidates of this complexion appear at all. The Prohibitionists, or opponents of the sale of intoxicating liquors, have since regularly held a national convention for the nomination of a presidential candidate, and put out a ticket, i. The action of this party has been most frequent in the state legislatures, because the whole question of permitting, restricting, or abolishing the sale of intoxicants is a matter for the states and not for Congress. However, the federal government raises a large revenue by its high import duty on wines, spirits, and malt liquors, and also levies an internal excise.
As this revenue was for some years before no longer needed for the expenses of the national government, it was proposed to distribute it among the states, or apply it to some new and useful purpose, or to reduce both customs duties and the excise. The fear of the first or second of these courses, which would give the manufacture and sale of intoxicants a new lease of life, or of the third, which would greatly increase their consumption, was among the causes which induced the Prohibitionists to enter the arena of national politics; and they further justify their conduct in doing so by proposing to amend the federal Constitution for the purposes of prohibition, and to stop the sale of intoxicants in the Territories and in the District of Columbia, which are under the direct control of Congress.
One ought indeed to distinguish between the Prohibitionists proper, who wish to stop the sale of intoxicants altogether, and the Temperance men, who are very numerous among Republicans in the North and Democrats in the South, and who, while ready to vote for local option and a high licence law, disappove the attempt to impose absolute prohibition by general legislation. Blaine probably suffered in this way in the election of , most of the votes cast for the Prohibitionist candidate having come from quondam Republicans.
Latterly the party vote has been too small to make much difference. The strength of the Prohibitionist party lies in the religious and moral earnestness which animates it and makes it for many purposes the successor and representative of the Abolitionists of forty years ago. Clergymen were prominent in its conventions, and women took an active part in its work. Edition: current; Page: [ ] Partly from its traditions and temper, partly because it believes that women would be on its side in elections, it advocates the extension to them of the electoral franchise.
But it has latterly lost much of its political importance, though temperance has advanced both in the diffusion of its principles and in practice. It ran a candidate at the presidential election of carrying four states and obtaining one electoral vote in each of two others , but has since then so much declined, that in only 29, votes were cast for the candidate whom it nominated. Although the economic and social conditions of agricultural life in America are likely from time to time to produce similar outbreaks of dissatisfaction, with impatient cries for unpractical remedies, the tendency has of recent years been towards the formation of parties professing views of a more or less Collectivist type.
Of these minor new parties the largest vote was in cast by the Socialist, , In its vote had been , In the new Progressive party ran its candidates. The advocates of woman suffrage cannot be reckoned a national party, because the question is one for the states, and because women have no vote in presidential elections save in ten states. In a woman was nominated, but did not go to the poll. Though the group which went by the name of Mugwumps has disappeared, it had a temporary significance which entitles it to the meed of a melodious tear.
Some simply abstained, some, obeying the impulse to vote which is strong in good citizens in America, voted for Mr. John, the Prohibitionist candidate, though well aware that this was practically the same thing as abstention. The majority, however, voted against their party for Mr. Cleveland, the Democratic candidate; and it seems to have been the transference of their vote which turned the balance in New York State, and thereby determined the issue of the whole election in Mr.
They were therefore not to be reckoned as a national party, according to the American use of the term, because they did not run a ticket of their own, but supported a candidate started by one of the regular parties. The only organization they formed consisted of committees which held meetings and distributed literature during the election, but dissolved when it was over. They maintained no permanent party machinery; and did not act as a distinct section, even for the purposes of agitation, at subsequent presidential elections.
Some of them have since been absorbed especially in New England and New York into the Democratic party, others have returned to their old affiliations. They were not so much a section as a tendency, persons in whom a growing disposition to a detached independence was for the time embodied. The tendency is now chiefly conspicuous in municipal politics, where it has given birth to Good Government Clubs and other civic associations intended to purify the administration of cities.
The Mugwumps bore no resemblance to any British party. The tendency which called them into being is discernible chiefly in New England and in the cities of the Eastern states generally, but it affects some few persons scattered here and there all over the North and West as far as California. In the South save in such border cities as St. Louis and Louisville there were none, because the Southern men who would, had they lived in the North, have taken to Mugwumpism, were in the South Democrats. The reader must be reminded of one capital difference between the Republican and Democratic parties and the minor ones which have just been mentioned.
The two former are absolutely coextensive with the Union. They exist in every state, and in every corner of every state. They exist even in the Territories, though the inhabitants of Territories have no vote in federal elections. But the four minor parties that held conventions in the elections of and since , did not attempt to maintain organizations all over the Union. Where these minor parties are strong, or where some question has arisen which keenly interests them, they may run their man for state governor or mayor, or will put out a ticket for state senators or assemblymen; or they will take the often more profitable course of fusing for the nonce with one of the regular parties, giving it their vote in return for having the party nominations to one or more of the elective offices assigned to their own nominee.
Is there not, then, some European may ask, a Free Trade party? But there is no political organization which devotes itself to the advocacy of free trade by the usual party methods, much less does anyone think of starting candidates either for the presidency or for Congress upon a pure anti-protectionist platform. Why, considering the reluctant hesitancy which the old parties have been apt to show in taking up a clear and distinctive attitude upon new questions, and formulating definite proposals regarding them, and considering also that in the immense area of the United States, with its endless variety of economic interests and social conditions, we might expect local diversities of aim and view which would here and there crystallize, and so give rise to many local Edition: current; Page: [ ] parties—why are not the parties far more numerous?
Why, too, are the parties so persistent? In this changeful country one would look for frequent changes in tenets and methods. One reason is, that there is at present a strong feeling in America against any sentiment or organization which relies on or appeals to one particular region of the country. Such localism or sectionalism is hateful, because, recalling the disunionist spirit of the South which led to the war, it seems anti-national and unpatriotic.
By the mere fact of its springing from a local root, and urging a local interest, a party would set all the rest of the country against it. As a separately organized faction seeking to capture the federal government, it could not succeed against the national parties, because the Union as a whole is so vast that it would be outvoted by one or other of them. But if it is content to remain a mere opinion or demand, not attacking either national party, but willing to bestow the votes it can control on whichever will meet its wishes, it is powerful, because the two great parties will bid against one another for its support by flatteries and concessions.
For instance, the question which has interested the masses on the Pacific coast is that of excluding Chinese immigrants, and latterly the Japanese also, because they compete for work with the whites and bring down wages. But by showing that the attitude of the two great parties on this issue will determine their own attitude toward these parties, they control both, for as each desires to secure the vote of California, Washington, and Oregon, each vies with the other in promising and voting for anti-Asiatic legislation.
An Irish party, or a German party, or a Roman Catholic party, which should run its candidates on a sectional platform, would stand self-condemned in American eyes as not being genuinely American. The same fate would befall a party based upon Edition: current; Page: [ ] some trade interest, such as protection to a particular sort of manufactures, or the stimulation of cattle breeding as against sheep. Such a party might succeed for a time in a state, and might dictate its terms to one or both of the national parties; but when it attempted to be a national party it would become ridiculous and fall.
A second cause of the phenomenon which I am endeavouring to explain may be found in the enormous trouble and expense required to found a new national party. To influence the votes, even to reach the ears, of nearly one hundred millions of people, is an undertaking to be entered on only when some really great cause fires the national imagination, disposes the people to listen, persuades the wealthy to spend freely of their substance.
It took six years of intense work to build up the Republican party, which might not even then have triumphed in the election of , but for the split in the ranks of its opponents. The attempt made in to form a new independent party out of the discontented Republicans and the Democrats failed lamentably. The Independent Republicans of did not venture to start a programme or candidate of their own, but were prudently satisfied with helping the Democratic candidate, whom they deemed more likely than the Republican nominee to give effect to the doctrine of civil service reform which they were advocating.
The case of these Independents, or Mugwumps, is an illustrative one. For many years past there had been complaints that the two old parties were failing to deal with issues that had grown to be of capital importance, such as the tariff, the currency, the improvements of methods of business in Congress, the purification of the civil service and extinction of the so-called Spoils System. These complaints, however, have not come from the men prominent as practical statesmen or politicians in the parties, but from outsiders, and largely from the men of intellectual cultivation and comparatively high social standing.
Besides, it is a costly machinery, and they did not see where to find the money. Hence they recoiled from the effort, and aimed at creating a sentiment which might take concrete form in a vote, given for whichever of the parties seemed at any particular time most likely to adopt, even if insincerely, the principles, and push forward, even if reluctantly, the measures which the Independents advocate. Because they are pretty well satisfied with the sphere which existing parties give them, and comprehend from their practical experience how hazardous such an experiment would be.
There is however another reason flowing from the character of the American people. They are extremely fond of associating themselves, and prone to cling to any organization they have once joined. They are sensitive to any charge of disloyalty.
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These are characteristics which themselves require to be accounted for, but the discussion of them belongs to later chapters. A European is surprised to see prominent politicians supporting, sometimes effusively, a candidate of their own party whom they are known to dislike, merely because he is the party candidate.
There is a sort of military discipline about party life which has its good as well as its bad side, for if it sometimes checks the expression of honest disapproval, it also restrains jealousy, abashes self-seeking, prevents recrimination. Each of the American parties has usually been less under the control of one or two conspicuous leaders than are British parties. So far as this is due to the absence of men whose power over the people rests on the possession of brilliant oratorical or administrative gifts, it is a part of the question why there are not more such men in American public life, why there are fewer striking figures than in the days of Jefferson and Hamilton, of Webster and Calhoun.
It is however also due to the peculiarities of the Constitution. The want of concentration of power in the legal government is reflected in the structure of the party system. The separation of the legislative from the executive Edition: current; Page: [ ] department lowers the importance of leadership in parties, as it weakens both these departments. The president, who is presumably among the leading men, cannot properly direct the policy of his party, still less speak for it in public, because he represents the whole nation.
His ministers cannot speak to the people through Congress. In neither house of Congress is there necessarily any person recognized as the leader on either side. As neither house has the power over legislation and administration possessed by such an assembly as the French or Italian Chamber, or the English House of Commons, speeches delivered or strategy displayed in it do not tell upon the country with equal force and directness.
There remains the stump, and it is more by the stump than in any other way that an American statesman speaks to the people. But what distances to be traversed, what fatigues to be encountered before he can be a living and attractive personality to the electing masses! In a few years, every great town knows him like its own mayor, while the active local politicians who frequently run up from their homes to London hear him from the galleries of the House of Commons, wait on him in deputations, are invited to the receptions which his wife gives during the season.
Even railways and telegraphs cannot make America a compact country in the same sense that Britain is. From the Civil War till the end of last century, neither Republicans nor Democrats leaned on and followed any one man as Mr. No one since Mr. Seward exercised even so much authority as Mr.
Bright did when out of office, or as Gambetta did in France, or as Mr. Parnell in Ireland, over the sections of opinion which each of these eminent men has represented. Manuscript draft, , of article titled "Glimpses of Army Life, ," containing extracts of letters written between 5 February and 1 April by Brigadier General James Henry Lane Letters were written while he was commanding his brigade at Liberty Mills in Orange County, Virginia, and near Petersburg. Roster, Photostats negatives.
Typescript roster containing the names of former Confederate soldiers from Petersburg, Virginia. War Department]. Rendezvous list, ca. Accession ay. List of rendezvous points, ca. Selected records of the War Department relating to Confederate prisoners of war, Information provided includes name, rank, regiment, company, where and when captured, date of death, cause, and location of grave. A list of Confederate States officers who are prisoners, held by federal authority, on Morris Island, S.
There are also sections on prisoners sent to the hospital, those sent from Hilton Head to Beaufort, South Carolina, those that died on Morris Island, and those who were exchanged. Virginia poetry, Poetry, , by obscure or unknown Virginia authors, including poetry about family, love, nature, and the Civil War. Poets include: John E.
Gregory, William S. Hawkins, William M. Holden, Joseph J. Thweatt, and William H. Virginia banks collection, Accession , Miscellaneous reels Business correspondence and documents, , from various Virginia regional banks, consisting of correspondence and documents related to the Clarksville branch of the Exchange Bank of Virginia; correspondence of Savings Institution of Richmond , Pittsylvania Savings Bank , William M.
There are items relating to the Civil War, including financing of the Confederate army, civilian relief, and blockade-runners. Also contains William M. Sutton letters, including letter from William M. Read of the 1st Virginia Artillery describing earlier stages of the Gettysburg campaign. Clippings, no date.
Accession bb. Clipping, undated, containing transcripts of letters, , between General Robert E. Wright, 21 June Wright served as an agent for the United States War Department for collecting Confederate military records. Abell, Caspar K. Papers, Papers, , of Caspar K. Abell found the muster roll at a house in Yorktown, Virginia, and the roster on the battlefield near Chickahominy, Virginia.
Ague, E. Letters, , of E. Ague d. He provides a list of names of men from the company wounded at the battle of Dranesville. Ague states that he thinks the war will be short and the Reserves will return home. Albee, George E. Diary, Diary, , of George E. Also includes a pass, 22 January Albemarle County Va. Circuit Court. Reports of Indigent Soldiers' Families, Also includes orders appointing agents to purchase supplies for the families. Reports record that funds were to be used for the purchase of corn and outline problems that the agents faced in procuring supplies and concerns about supplies getting to the the families in need rather than being used by the military.
Military and Pension Records, Albemarle County, Virginia, Military and Pension Records, , containing military and pension records documenting the military service of African Americans in Albemarle County from to Many of the records include personal information about individuals who served in the military, such as date and place of birth and names of family members. Albemarle Minute Men. Papers, , of the Albemarle Minute Men consisting of a letter, 28 June , from four Albemarle County, Virginia, residents to Captain William Dinwiddie requesting that he call out his local defense company to help defend the town of Gordonsville from a Union attack.
Letter was written in response to a request from the Confederate Secretary of War.
Papers also contain a roster listing the names of Albemarle County residents, including Dinwiddie, who were part of a local defense force organized in June and identified as the Albemarle Minute Men. Alden, Seth H. Letters, , from Seth H. Topics include troop movements, casualties, weather and landscape in Virginia, camp life and conditions, paychecks and supply costs. Alden also asks about home life and crops. Includes transcripts and partial transcripts for some of the letters. Alderman, John P. Carroll County Civil War soldiers records, Alderman consisting of typescripts of Confederate service records of soldiers from Carroll County.
Many of the entries also contain additional biographical information gleaned from a number of sources. Carroll County Civil War soldiers records, Accession Abstracts of the 24th Virginia Infantry compiled by John P. Alderman containing an introduction and abstracts from the regimental records in the National Archives. Abstracts of the regimental records consists of a list of officers, a chronological record of events, and abstracts of individual service records arranged alphabetically as they appear on the microfilm.
Only a fraction of the data in the service records has been abstracted. Alderson, Charles. Letter, 18 August Letter, 18 August , from Charles Alderson, Washington County, Virginia, offering thanks to a neighbor who had watched his sons, Joseph Alderson, horse after he was hurt at the battle of Brandy Station. Alderson talks of retrieving the horse and asks if any Federal troops are in the area. Alexander, Peter Wellington. Letter book, Letter book, 23 October - 13 November , containing dispatches written from Richmond by journalist Peter Wellington Alexander on various aspects of the Civil War.
There are four weekly dispatches. Notations indicate that they were sent to London, England. Genealogical notes. Accession d. Also contains the Civil War reminiscences of Mrs. William Fontaine Alexander of Jefferson County. Allied families mentioned include: Ball and Ranson. Alexandria Union Association Alexandria, Va.
Minute book, Minute book, 28 August April and 21 December , of the Alexandria Union Association of Alexandria, Virginia, consisting of the minutes of the association, list of members and some accounts. Allen family. Receipts, Powers, both of Richmond. Allen, A. Letter, 7 August Letter, 7 August , from A. Allen b.
He also discusses the civilian reaction to the fighting. Garfield Reminiscences include descriptions of various members of the crew, life aboard ship, the sinking of the USS Hatteras by the Alabama, and an account of the Alabama's final battle with the Kearsarge. Also includes portraits of Allen and Rachel Murray Thompson Allen, Littlebury Woodson. Allen writes about the justness of the Confederate cause, his patriotism, family news, reasons for joining the army, prison conditions, lack of rations and water, mail deliveries, weather observations, illnesses and deaths of fellow prisoners, battle news and Confederate victories, preaching to fellow inmates, his opinions of various army officers, prison administrators, and Presidents Davis and Lincoln, attempted prison escapes, news from Union newspapers he reads, and rumors of prisoner exchanges.
Allen also provides descriptions of the layout of both prisons. There is also a plan of escape written by him following the diary, as well as some letters written by his wife Ann Martin Allen. Allison, William H. Papers, , of Captain William H. Allison of Richmond, Virginia, consisting of passes, furlough papers, medical certificates and notices, courts martial, transfer papers, receipts, and other items concerning personnel of Company H, 25th Virginia Infantry Battalion. Also includes a note, , with names for a possible reunion, an envelope, , with addresses, and a typewritten list of locations of Confederate hospitals in Richmond, Virginia, in Papers, , of William H.
Allison of Richmond, Virginia, and captain of Company H, 25th Virginia Infantry Battalion, consisting of his discharge from Johnson's Island prison and oath of allegiance, 18 June ; petition for pardon, 10 August ; and amnesty oath and certificate, 14 August Almond, J. Lindsay Address 4 February Accession WRVA - Address, 4 February , by Governor J. Lindsay Almond, at ceremonies commemorating the th anniversary of the peace conference held in Washington, D. The ceremonies took place at the State Capitol, and marked the opening of the Civil War Centennial observances in Richmond.
Almond discusses the history of events leading up to the peace conference, gives information about the delegates from Virginia and their positions, and offers his suggestions as to why the conference failed. Almond, Louise Ashby. Confederate Soldiers' Home: a report. Alton, Benjamin. Letter, 2 December Letter, 2 December , from Benjamin Alton to Alonzo and Marilla King of DeKalb County, Indiana, concerning his enlistment into the 13th Indiana Regiment as a hired substitute, description of camp life and camp fortifications, and a report of the capture of a railroad south of Richmond, Virginia, by Union troops.
In his letter, Alton directs mail to be sent to him in Company D, but the roster of Indiana soldiers states he served in Company A. Amelia County Va. Amelia County Militia enrollment records and unidentified cash account ledger, , , contains a militia enrollment ledger, , containing enrollment lists of persons eligible for militia service, including persons who applied for exemption from militia duty, persons applied to be detailed, persons exempt from militia duty on the basis of number of slaves owned or occupation, list of conscripts in Amelia County, and a list of free negroes.
Lists include date of enrollment, name, age, occupation, birth place, height, eye color, hair color, skin complexion, and how disposed i. Also recorded was a list of deserters and absentees in Amelia County, list of persons forwarded to Camp Lee in Petersburg; monthly reports providing lists of conscripts, persons exempt, and deserters.
Loose papers include circulars requesting full accounts of all male free blacks, of all slaves impressed in the county; and a request to post notices as soon as possible. Also a list of names with numbers beside them, possibly indicating number of slaves owned. First 10 pages of the volume is a business ledger, , possibly of Benjamin Bragg of Amelia County. Ames, Lorin J. Letter, 3 November Letter, 3 November , from Dr. Lorin J.
Ames , while serving as a surgeon at a field hospital in City Point, Virginia, to his son Henry D. Ames b. Subjects include the weather, hospital conditions, and the suffering of the wounded. Anable, Gloria H. Miscellaneous receipts, Collection of Gloria Hollister Anable containing of several receipts signed by prominent Virginia statesmen of the 18th century which were collected by Union Chaplain Reverend Philander Hatch Hollister of the 29th Connecticut Infantry following the Confederate evacuation of Richmond. According to a note by the donor, Gloria Hollister Anable, her paternal grandfather found the signatures in receipt books in the Virginia State House and sent them back home to Stamford, Connecticut.
Includes a black and white photograph of Reverend Hollister and a photograph of the original framed receipts collected by him. Ancell family. Papers, , of the Ancell family and related families of Fluvanna County, Virginia; and Ohio, containing accounts, articles of agreement, Bible records, a military commission, deeds, genealogical notes, letters, military orders, a plat, promissory notes, and receipts.
Correspondence principally concerns Ancell, Pettit and Winn family matters and business transactions and the Civil War. Includes the Civil War letters, , of John J. Ancell received from and sent to family members, friends, and other soldiers and concerning family matters, camp conditions, troop movements, and the weather. Ancell and a military commission from Governor Henry A. Wise to John J. Collection contains Ancell family correspondence, , concerning family matters and family health and illness. There is also correspondence concerning John J. Ancell's duties as an officer of the Freemasons fraternal organization; deeds and articles of agreement, for the purchase of land and slaves; a plat for land in Flouvanna County; receipts, promissory notes, and accounts, , of the Ancell, Pettit and Winn families; and trustee accounts of William B.cosjitanpa.tk
Atlanta race riot
Pettit for Mary E. Pettit Collection also contains Bible records and genealogical notes for the for the Bugg-Shores, Ancell, and Winn families. Anderson Seminary Petersburg, Va. Papers, , of the Anderson Seminary in Petersburg, Virginia, containing a letter from Charles Campbell giving the number of pupils in attendance during the school year and reporting the death of a student; and an account of money, , for subscriptions for purchasing shoes for enrolled students.
Anderson, Charles E. Discharge papers, Discharge papers, and , for Charles E. Anderson b. Anderson, Charles J. Recollections, 15 May Anderson, James Patton. Autobiography, Anderson, Joseph R. Papers, of Joseph R. Anderson consisting of insignia and the commission of Joseph R. Anderson as brigadier general, as well as letters from Robert E. Papers, , of Joseph R. Includes business correspondence regarding purchases of iron and munitions from Tredegar. Of note are letters and orders from the Confederate States Ordnance Department. Also includes correspodence with Robert A.
Brock regarding the Anderson family genealogy. Anderson, Lucy London. Letter, 1 August , from Lucy London Anderson b. Anderson, Richard Heron. Accession , Miscellaneous Reel Includes a description of the Battle of Gettysburg in Andrews, John T. Letters, Accession Letters, , from John T.
He comments on the weather, conditions, and deserters from both Union and Confederate forces. Letters, , written by John T. Topics include a detailed account of the Battle of Boydton Plank Road, troop movements, skirmishes, constructing breastworks, and the bravery of the United States Colored Troops. He also writes about his court-martial for disobeying orders, the interference of Colonel William M. Gregg on his behalf, and his eventual promotion to second lieutenant.
Other subjects include the siege of Petersburg, witnessing explosions at Fort Stedman, Confederate advances, and his unit's readiness in the event of attack. There is one post-war letter written where Andrews invites his father and uncle to visit him while he is stationed in Alexandria, and he writes about the eagerness of the troops to return home. Anthony family. Letters give detailed accounts of military life, including a tour of duty at Jamestown, Virginia. Arthur , brothers of Almira Anthony, who served in the 58th Virginia Infantry.
Other letters are to or from other members of the Anthony family in Bedford County, and discuss personal and religious matters during the Civil War and Reconstruction. Accession and Letters are primarily to Charles Anthony , his daughter Callie J. Brandon , and his granddaughter Charles Anthony and discuss family news, births, marriages, and deaths in the community, farming, travel, health, and the Civil War.
Of particular note is a letter, 8 May , concerning the Monitor-Merrimac battle. Estate papers include information on the administrations of the estates of William Black, Achilles M. Douglas, John L. Subject files contain affidavits, bonds, commissions, and oaths, contracts and agreements, deeds, diplomas and certificates, depositions, an muster roll, obituaries, plats and surveys, poetry and lyrics, post office drafts, powers of attorney, promissory notes, genealogical information, school exercises, miscellaneous suit papers, summonses, and a copy of the will, , of Elizabeth Anthony.
EAD Guide. Anthony, Callie J.
Letter, 5 February Letter, 5 February , to Callie J. The cousin writes that he is pleased at receiving her letter and talks about marrying in the spring. Anthony, Charles. Oath, 29 May Apperson, John S. Apperson and Black diaries, Diary, , of John S. Apperson detailing his Civil War experiences as a hospital steward in the Stonewall Brigade, transcribed by Dr.
Books Antique Geography Rare $ to $1,
William G. Bean ; and diary, and , of Dr. Archer, Fletcher Harris. Letter, 9 July Thomas, captain of the Isle of Wight militia. Cairns regarding arms from North[? Archer, Robert P. Letter, 28 August Letter, 28 August , from Robert P. Arlington County Va.
Reverend Albert Gladwin was the first Superintendent of Contrabands and his successors kept up the register after his departure. The book records death, burial, and marriage information about freedmen and free blacks in the Alexandria area. Courts Martial Book, Military District of Alexandria, , contains general orders convening the court martial, lists of the detail for the court, special orders appointing new or additional members, and lists of the soldiers who appeared before the court. Information recorded for each soldier includes name, company, regiment, witnesses, summons sent to appear, date case commenced, date case finished, and date case sent to headquarters.
The soldiers are all from Union or United States army units. Volume also includes [Census of the Black Population of Alexandria County], Surnames Q-Y and B only, , recording name, color black, mulatto, quadroon, octoroon , sex, age, status, occupation, and number of district; as well as summaries and estimates by district numbers and "outside city" of the numbers of persons in each of these categories.
Arter family. Letters, , Arter, and mentioning the raid on Sherwood Forest and items taken. There are transcripts of both letters. Ashby, John A. Descriptive list and pay and clothing account, 19 April Descriptive list and pay and clothing account, 19 April , for Private John A. Ashby of Company A, 12th Virginia Cavalry. Ashby-Thornton-Dickerson family. In part photocopies. Genealogical notes of the Ashby, Thornton, and Dickerson families of Virginia, and includes information on the Camp, Fitzhugh, and Strother families.
Collection consists of a volume compiled by Mary Ashby Camp d. Geographic areas in which the families lived include Culpeper and Stafford Counties and Petersburg, Virginia, and England. Aspinwall, S. Letters, 14 March and 13 October , from S. Aspinwall, a Union soldier, to his sister. Atherton, Arlon S. Letter, 7 June Letter, 7 June , from Arlon S. Atkinson, Neville Lemmon. Reminiscences, Atkinson, W. Report, 17 March Atkinson, lieutenant in the Engineer Corps of the Confederate Army. The report discusses salt deposits in Virginia, including the counties of Amherst, Bedford, Botetourt, Lee, Mecklenburg, Montgomery, Pittsylvania, and Roanoke, and in what would become West Virginia, including the counties of Mercer and Monroe.
Atwood, White and Company Philadelphia, Pa. Letter, 1 February Hopkins in Lexington, Kentucky, referring to some business matters but principally concerning the view of Pennsylvanians for Virginians at the start of the Civil War. The author writes of the friendly regard of Pennsylvanians toward their border states and their irritation toward states further from Pennsylvania. Augusta County Va. Volume of Free Negro and Slave Records, The first is a List of Quarter Masters Stores etc. Avent, Tamlin. Letter, 9 March Letter, 9 March , from Tamlin Avent b.
He also writes about the effects of the Civil War on his family, his plantation, and Greensville County. There is also a typescript copy of the letter. Avery, Daisy Lester. Papers, , of Daisy Lester Avery of Richmond, Virginia, including correspondence and subject files, mainly relating to her involvement with the United Confederate Veterans and the United Daughters of the Confederacy. The collection also contains letters of her son, James Thomas Avery, Jr. Ayre, Ellen. Letter, 19 February Letter, 19 February , from Ellen Ayre of Loudoun County, Virginia, to her friend Minnie, discussing mutual acquaintances, family news, including the financial troubles of her uncle William Benton b.
Babcock, Horace G. Letters, 11 October and 20 December Letters, 11 October and 2 December , from Horace G. Babcock ca. Babcock describes military life and combat with the enemy, including nearly being wounded; worries that there are cowards in his regiment; comments on flooding back in McKean County; and states that he saw General George B. McClellan Babcock mentions a house was taken over by the military for its use. Bagby, George W. Letters, , to George W. Bagby, Tappahannock, Virginia, from family, friends, and business associates.
Include a letter, June , from his nephew, Lewis R. Boswell, prisoner at Fort Delaware, regarding his ill health, diet, and asking for help in obtaining his release and that of Jarold D. Topics of other letters include health, the estate of Nancy Radford, family, death of a family member in the war, and insurance. Bagby, John R. Letters, 19 January April , from John R. Bagby, while serving in the Confederate Army, to his wife, Bettie P. Bagby describing camp life, the life of a soldier, battle, and family events.
Bahlmann, William F. Down in the ranks. Memoirs of William F. Bahlmann entitled "Down in the ranks" detailing Bahlmann's exploits while serving as captain of Company K, 22nd Virginia Infantry. Bahlmann offers a comprehensive view of the life of the soldier in the Civil War through his description of camp life, food and supplies, death of comrades, interaction of Union and Confederate soldiers, health and medical care, and the battle of Droop Mountain.
Record is a typed transcript. In the memoirs were published in the Journal of the Greenbrier Historical Society. Baird, William. Essay, Baker, Joseph D. Letter, 9 July , from Joseph D. Baker comments on the regiment's casualties and captured. He asks his brother to get John Albin to write him and tells his brother that he should not enlist, but stay home.
Baker comments on the commanders of the regiment. Baker, Joseph W. Confederate service record, Confederate service record of Joseph W. Baker of Louisa County, Virginia, copied by his son J. Baker in from shorthand notes made in Record is of Joseph W. Baker, Josiah L. Damage claim, no date. Damage claim, no date, of Josiah L.
Baker b. Includes a list of the types of damages, and the estimated value of the items destroyed. Baldwin, Abel Seymour. Medical papers, Included are copies of letters sent by Baldwin; and account book itemizing lists and costs of supplies, especially food supplies; a case book, and a furlough book. Baldwin, Luman E. Letters, , from Luman E. Topics include troop movement, battle of Salem Church Virginia during the Chancellorsville Campaign, his parents move out west, and a visit to Richmond after the war ended.
Also included is a piece of grass that Baldwin took from Richmond. Banning, Mrs. Invitation, 20 December Invitation, 20 December , to Mrs. Van Derlip. Barclay, A. Civil War letters, Typescript copies of letters, , from A. Barclay comments on camp life and conditions and on the death of General Stonewall Jackson and the changes in organization as a result and upon the assumption of command of the Union army by Ulysses S.
Grant Barker, Moses. Barker ca. Barker describes picket duties, rations he receives, and religious services he attends. He discusses news of acquaintances in the army and asks after family and friends in Pittsylvania County. Barker offers advice concerning the education and upbringing of his children. He also mentions the battle of Big Bethel and fighting around Petersburg, Virginia. After extra editions of the paper were printed, by midnight estimates were that 10, to 15, white men and boys had gathered through downtown streets and were roaming to attack blacks.
Governor Joseph M. Terrell called out eight companies of the Fifth Infantry and one battery of light artillery. The trolley lines had been closed before midnight to reduce movement, in hopes of discouraging the mobs and offering some protection to the African-American neighborhoods, as whites were going there and attacking people in their houses, or driving them outside. Alonzo Herndon 's barber shop was among the first targets of the white mob, and the fine fittings were destroyed.
During that night, a large mob attacked Decatur Street, the center of black restaurants and saloons. It destroyed the businesses and assaulted any blacks in sight. Mobs moved to Peters Street and related neighborhoods to wreak more damage. The events were quickly publicized the next day, Sunday, as violence continued against blacks, and the riot was covered internationally.
Le Petit journal of Paris reported, "Black men and women were thrown from trolley-cars, assaulted with clubs and pelted with stones. One white man was reported killed, and about 10 injured. An unknown and disputed number of blacks were killed on the street and in their shops, and many were injured. In the center of the city, militia were seen by 1 am. But most were not armed and organized until 6 am, when more were posted in the business district. Sporadic violence had continued in the late night in distant quarters of the city as small gangs operated.
On Sunday hundreds of blacks left the city by train and other means, seeking safety at a distance. On Sunday a group of African Americans met in the Brownsville community south of downtown and near Clark University to discuss actions; they had armed themselves for defense.
Fulton County police learned of the meeting and raided it; an officer was killed in an ensuing shootout. Three companies of militia were sent to Brownsville, where they arrested and disarmed about blacks, including university professors. Woodward was asked as to the measures taken to prevent a race riot, he replied:. The best way to prevent a race riot depends entirely upon the cause. If your inquiry has anything to do with the present situation in Atlanta then I would say the only remedy is to remove the cause.
As long as the black brutes assault our white women, just so long will they be unceremoniously dealt with. He had gone around the city on Saturday night trying to calm the mobs, but was generally ignored. The Fulton County Grand Jury today made the following presentment: "Believing that the sensational manner in which the afternoon newspapers of Atlanta have presented to the people the news of the various criminal acts recently committed in this county has largely influenced the creation of the spirit animating the mob of last Saturday night; and that the editorial utterances of The Atlanta News for some time past have been calculated to create a disregard for the proper administration of the law and to promote the organization of citizens to act outside of the law in the punishment of crime.
An unknown and disputed number of African Americans were killed in the conflict. At least two dozen African Americans were believed to have been killed. It was confirmed that there were two white deaths, one a woman who died of a heart attack after seeing mobs outside her house. On the following Monday and Tuesday, leading citizens of the white community, including the mayor, met to discuss the events and work to prevent any additional violence.
The group included leaders of the black elite, helping establish a tradition of communication between these groups. But for decades the riot was ignored or suppressed in the white community, and left out of official histories of the city. Separation of the races is the only radical solution of the negro problem in this country. There is nothing new about it. It was the Almighty who established the bounds of the habitation of the races. The negroes were brought here by compulsion; they should be induced to leave here by persuasion.
It noted practically the difficulties if so many workers would be lost, in addition to their businesses. As an outcome of the riot, the African-American economy suffered, because of property losses, damage, and disruption. Some individual businesses were forced to close. The community made significant social changes,  pulling businesses from mixed areas, settling in majority-black neighborhoods some of which was enforced by discriminatory housing practices into the s , and changing other social patterns.
In the years after the riot, African Americans were most likely to live in predominately black communities, including those that developed west of the city near Atlanta University or in eastern downtown. Many black businesses dispersed from the center to the east, where the thriving black business district known as "Sweet Auburn" soon developed.
Many African Americans rejected the accommodationist position of Booker T. Washington at Tuskegee Institute , believing that they had to be more forceful about protecting their communities and advancing their race.